Israeli Affairs (Issue no. 66)

“50 Years since the Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.”

  • Author: Thaer Abu Saleh, Ali Haydar, Muhannad Mostafa, David Kretschmer, Ariel Hendel, Ruthie Ginsburg, Hagar kotef, Michel Warschawski Yagil Levy, Nir Gazit, Yigal Elam, Bilah Daher, Faris Shomali, Walid Habbas, Anton Shalhat
  • Translator: Said Ayyash, Yaseen el-Sayyed, Salim Salameh
  • Editor: Raif Zureik, Nabil al-Saleh, Honaida Ghanem
  • Number of Pages: 154
  • ISBN: 978-9950-03-0060
  • Date of update: Monday, 07 August 2017
  • Price: $0.00

Fifty years of occupation and seventy years from partition, which led to the Nakba and establishment of Israel. Israel is a man in the seventies. He spent the last fifty years of his life as an occupier. Is the occupation merely an incident, a transient illness, in his life? Is it a constituent part of its being and nature? Is the occupation an illness, which Israel has to recover from? Is it evidence for its health, strength and agility?
The more the years pass, the twenty year interval between the Nakba and Naksa appears as a truce that is not quiet. This time marked the massacres of Kafr Qasem and Qubeiba, murder of infiltrators who returned to their homeland, and 1956 war. Overtime, this truce looks like a marginal detail in a project that is more than 120 years old. For example, who recalls that California was not part of the United States when it was established and that it was occupied almost a century later?

With the end of the last chapter and conclusion of the settlement enterprise in America, all details seem to be secondary vis-à-vis the grand narrative.

Looking at the occupation in its broader context allows us to understand its current process. This occupation is no longer belligerent, ideological or temporary. It is no longer belligerent because those who construct highways, railways and universities, and transport half a million settlers, have nothing to do with the army or security apparatus. It is no longer ideological because the forces which take part in and embrace settlement and control over land and resources are not a Messianic, religious right wing any more. These are parties of the political centre, economy sharks who are avid for cheap land, and poor groups who enjoy better living conditions, tax exemptions and spacious houses. When these two factors meet, the result is that Israel no longer deals with it [the occupation] as if it were temporary.

All this tempts us to say that the Green Line has been erased and become as brown as the land. However, the colour of the line is not painted by Israel alone. If the last chapter in America’s narrative was written, the last chapter in Palestine’s narrative has not. Extreme caution should be taken to understand politics as the inevitable consequence of historical analysis and requirements of logic. There is a political logic in the thought of those who insist on thickening and demarcating the Green Line in tandem with international and UN Security Council resolutions. Nevertheless, time is not on their side.

Nothing justifies that Palestinians accept this threshold as long as Israel does not admit that the Green Line to be its border. Reciprocity requires that the Green Line be either a border for both parties or not be a border at all. The Green Line today is a Green Line for Palestinians solely. In the eyes of Israel and its settlers, it does not exist. Let this reciprocity be an idea that might inform the Palestinian strategy.

Title Download
هل بمقدور الإسرائيليين أن يكتبوا عن الاحتلال - اريئيل هاندل وروثي غينزبرغ Download Preview
الحواجز - هجار كوتيف Download Preview
المستوطنات في المحكمة العليا الإسرائيلية - دافيد كريتشمر Download Preview
خمسون عاما على 1967 الحركات المناهضه ليساسة الاحتلال - ميخائيل فارشافسكي -ميكادو Download Preview
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من الأرشيف جلسة خاصة لقيادة أركان الجيش مع لجنة الوزراء للشؤون الأمنية Download Preview
من الأرشيف عن عملية هدم هي حارة المغاربة في القدس وترحيل سكانه العرب Download Preview
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المكتبة - بلال ضاهر Download Preview

Sunday, April 18, 2021


The Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies (MADAR) is an independent research centre specialising in Israeli affairs, based in Ramallah, Palestine. MADAR was established in 2000 by a group of Palestinian intellectuals and academics, including the late poet Mahmoud Darwish, Dr. Lily Feidy, Dr. Ali Jarbawi, Dr. Ahmad Harb, Mr. Walid Al-Ahmad and Mr. Akram Haniyyeh. The centre was registered as a not-for-profit organisation with the Palestinian Ministry of Interior, and obtained a research centre’s operational licensing from the Palestinian Ministry of Information.


Israel: Regional Power but Internal Crisis

MADAR Strategic Report 2021: Israeli Scene 2020

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